南國島夷：古代東亞與中國中古研究

中正大學中國文學系編，《中正大學中文學術年刊》，第9期(2007/06)

目　次

魏晉時期巴蜀文化史確立的三部曲－由《三都賦》到《三國志》到《華陽國志》

Trilogy of Ba-Shu Culture Contrived in the Wei-Jin Period-From "San-Du-Fu" to "History of the Three Sovereign Nations" and "History of Hua-Yang Monarchy"

王文進(Wen-Chin Wang)

1-30

中文

巴蜀文化是構成漢三國魏晉南北朝總體歷史文化風貌極為特出且格外重要的一個部分。但是因為客觀歷史大勢的決定，三分歸晉以後，北方人士挾著政治軍事的勝利，對於南方文化產生居高臨下的傲慢姿態，使巴蜀文化的保存險象環生，幾乎泯沒於政治大一統格局下所形成的北方獨霸之狹隘文化觀中。而今我們尚能一窺中古以前巴蜀文化的精華，幸賴當時的三部作品以各自不同的方式和書寫理念將其保存下來，分別是左思《三都賦》、陳壽《三國志》與常璩《華陽國志》。左思在站在西晉大一統的浪漫執迷之中，狂熱而傲慢的寫下《三都賦》，但卻意外地保存了巴蜀文化的精華；陳壽撰寫《三國志》則是夾在南北政治的矛盾之中，殫精竭慮地平衡三國的視野，小心翼翼地將巴蜀文化延續下來；常璩雖不滿中原、江左人士對於蜀文化的輕視，但卻能在懷鄉愛土的炙熱情緒下，保持冷靜地看待外來文化給予巴蜀文化的正面刺激，最終完成巴蜀文化史確立的三部曲。

Ba-Shu culture is momentous proportion constituting the integral history and culture of Han, Three sovereign nations, and Wei-Jin periods. Nevertheless, owing to the general trend of history, after Three sovereign nations intermingled by Jin dynasty, Northern people take haughty demeanor to southern culture by bureaucratic and militant triumph, let the conservation of Ba-Shu culture in dangers lurking on all sides, virtually vanish the biased cultural vision of Northern monopolization in unwarlike situation. Nowadays, we could ascertain quintessence of Ba-Shu culture before middle-ancient Age building upon three works by their contrastive manner and Writing pinnacle: Zuo si "San-Du-Fu", Chen Shou "History of the Three Sovereign Nations", and Chang Qu "History of Hua-Yang Monarchy". Zuo si is in poetic inflexibility of harmonious condition of western-Jin, feverishly and fatuously composing "San-Du-Fu", unintentionally preserving essence of Ba-Shu culture. Chen Shou's "History of the Three Sovereign Nations" is in the contradiction of northern and southern politics, prudently handling tactics of technique foul to equate field of vision of three sovereign nations, gingerly sustaining Ba-Shu culture. Chen Shou, even though dissatisfy the people of Zhong-Yuan and southern districts with their disdain of Ba-Shu culture, is in the sentiments of warmth of home-town, calmly perceiving positive impetus to Ba-Shu culture from external culture, ultimately fulfilling the triad of Ba-Shu culture.

試探“景陽體”對元嘉詩壇的影響

Analysis for Effect of "Yuan Jia Poetry" by "Jin Yang Style"

張嘉珊(Jia-Shan Zhang)

31-54

中文

「景陽體」乃指詩歌中「尚巧似」的藝術風格，此種創作技巧由西晉詩人張協首倡，鍾嶸於《詩品》中稱此種風格為「景陽之體」。張協所以雄於潘岳、靡於太沖，卻能於潘左之外別出一格，根本原因正在於「巧構形似之言」。鍾嶸《詩品》一書中，評論具有「巧似」風格者，除張協外，正是謝靈運、顏延之、鮑照三家，得見「貴尚巧似」成為晉宋之際，尤其是元嘉詩壇的重要審美風尚，而這樣的特質，實為祖襲張協詩歌「巧構形似之言」而來。然在張協詩歌的基礎上，靈運巧似而「逸蕩」，延之巧似而「拘束」，鮑照巧似而「不避危仄」，三人又各自發展，呈顯出不同的詩歌風貌，蔚為大家。本文欲彰顯「景陽體」對於元嘉詩風的影響，嘗試就張協詩歌「巧構形似」的藝術特色切入探析，並及於元嘉三家詩歌的承繼與轉化，分別就其同異之處略作析論。

As classified by poetry, the skill for "scenery description by vivid words" is named as "Jin Yang Style". Zhang Xie made use of this skill well for his poems, and won a great achievement as compared to others. At the same time, more followers employed this style for writing from Zhang Xie's original during Jin, Song Dynasties. Such as Xie Ling-Yun, Yan Yan-Zhi, Bao-Zhao, classified and commented by "Shi-Ping" (a poem assessment written by Zhong Rong). On the basis of Zhang Xie, differences are developed from those poetry, Xie Ling-Yun, Yan Yan-Zhi and Bao-Zhao arose three different kinds of characteristic, as ethereal, restrained and abstruse styles. In this paper, the effects of Yuan Jia Poetry by "Jin Yang Style" are well studied, and more details from similarity and diversity are researched and analyzed from those poetry mentioned before.

六朝志怪小說之敘事特性－以干寶《搜神記》為例

The Narrative Characteristics of Six Dynasties chih-kuai Fiction: Using "Sou-sen-chi" as Example

謝明勳(Min-Hsun Hsieh)

55-74

中文

本文係以「雜而多端」的六朝志怪小說中最具代表性的名作《搜神記》為例，提出討論，希望能夠經由此書，進而觀察到整個六朝志怪小說之敘事特性。首先，就志怪小說之「資料來源」。其次，從「資料來源」論述「敘事策略」。最後，從《搜神記》之「文史特性」與「虛實之辨」兩點切入，強化人們對於「六朝志怪小說之敘事特性」之理解。六朝時期之文人學士，對於志怪故事載錄之具體貢獻，大體有二：一是將原本強調現場互動及質樸表現形態之口語宣講方式，改以更具文人氣味之書面文字予以記錄；一是將前代書籍所載，同時切合其編纂體例者加以收錄，使之成為志怪小說體式的一部分。在編纂過程中，志怪作者將其異於前人之敘事策略充分展露，或使之從前人已然設定的條件規範中順利走出，或改以不同於口語之表現形式呈現，此當即本文所謂之「六朝志怪小說之敘事特性」。

Using the most representative Sou-shen-chi (Accounts of the Supernatural) as example, the author hopes to analyze and demonstrate the narrative characteristics of the multifarious corpus of Six Dynasties chih-kuai 志怪fiction. First, the article will discuss the sources of these stories; secondly, the narrative strategies in presenting the stories will be focused on. Then finally, the peculiar phenomenon of having the qualities of history and literature, the distinction between fact and fiction, as seen in Sou-shen-chi, will lead to the summing-up of the narrative nature in Six Dynasties chih-kuai stories. The contribution of Six Dynasties men of letters to chih-kuai fiction can be summed up in two aspects: firstly, to change the unsophisticated and interactive oral nature of storytelling into written form and record them in literary ways; secondly, they tended to collect and incorporate documents of similar nature into story matrix to transform them into more complex stories. In the process of doing so, they brought into the chih-kuai stories something that were not existent in the original stories and therefore alter the nature of the original chih-kuai stories. All these doings make the chih-kuai stories to appear as a distinctive narrative sub-genre with special generic features.

論顏之推的佛教信仰與身分建構的關聯－以《顏氏家訓‧歸心篇》為依據

On the Cnnection between Yan Zhitui's Belief in Buddhism and His Identity Reconstruction: According to Yanshi jiaxun "Guixin pian"

王美秀(Mei-Hsiu Wang)

75-95

中文

魏晉南北朝時期佛教大盛於中國，尤其盛行於知識階層，顏之推的傳世之作《顏氏家訓》中別有〈歸心〉一篇，專為論述其信護佛教之觀點，正可反映此一時代潮流。然而，顏之推之作《顏氏家訓》非僅為訓家而已，其實隱含重建身分之殷切期待，〈歸心篇〉亦不例外。本文結合文本分析、歷史考察與宗教文化學的方法，試從（一）家族傳統的承接與轉向，（二）佛教三世說與家族三世說的轉換，以及（三）援佛入儒等三大方向，剖析顏之推如何在《顏氏家訓‧歸心篇》中，藉由佛教信仰與家族延續的關聯性進行身分重建。對於顏之推而言，佛教信仰不僅是一種生命寄託，也是身分重建的論述場域；經由此一論述場域，顏之推為自己與顏氏子孫重建了一種有別於江南時期的新儒士身分。

Buddhism became domestic in Chinese society during the period of Northern and Southern dynasties, especially within intellectual statues. In Yanshi jiaxun, written by Yan Zhitui, there is a chapter titled "Guixin pian", from it we may see a reflection of the intellectual's belief in Buddhism of the time. In the chapter Yan tried very hard to explain the connection between his family tradition and Buddhism, he as well defended Buddhism from many kinds of attack in his time. However, the reason of writing Yanshi jiaxun was not only for making a family instruction but also for his concealed hope of identity reconstruction. As one chapter of Yanshi jiaxun, "Guixin pian" was certainly an important discourse of his identity reconstruction. This paper makes a deep discussion on how Yan Zhitui reconstructed identity for himself and for his family through the connection between the belief in Buddhism and family continuation in "Guixin pian". The discussion focuses on three points, there are: (A) under the belief in Buddhism, how Yan continued family tradition in one way and made alteration of family tradition in the other way at the same time, (B) how he transferred the meaning of Buddhist term of 'three-lives' into general Chinese term of 'three generations', and (C) how he introduced some of Buddhist ideas into Confucianism and produced a new form of Confucianism. For Yan Zhitui, Buddhism was not just an abstractive room where he and his family could have a rest, receive peace and raise hope of future again, it was also a major discourse of identity reconstruction for him. Through this discourse, Yan Zhitui reconstructed a new Confucianist identity for himself and for Yan clan. The identity he reconstructed was much different from the one he used to have when he lived in Jiangnan.

“貴無”與“滯有”－王弼“聖人有情說”之兩種詮釋向度的檢視及其對話

"Not Having" and "Having"-On the Two Interpretive Approaches to Wang Bi's Discourse on Sainthood with Affection

吳冠宏(Kuan-Hung Wu)

97-121

中文

王弼「聖人有情說」為清談玄論的重要議題，由於關涉魏晉士人時代的核心問題與普遍意識－「情」，故其定位每游移於「玄學理論脈絡」與「士風文化面向」兩端，而交映出頗多的理解爭議與探討旨趣。本文即透過王弼聖人有情說之兩種詮釋向度－「著力於玄學內在理路」與「側重於士人尚情心態」－的反省，探索「貴無」與「滯有」這兩種論述取向的特色與得失，並在兩端的對顯下，經由「聖凡之際」與「情智之際」兩面向的檢視，一則開啟玄學與士風的合理分判及關涉，二則揭示王說的詮釋空間與論述限域，使王說的內在義涵及影響論述，在此關照下都能有一更為適切的闡釋與定位。本文期能在玄論與士風、貴無與滯有、抽象思維與具體現象、理論根源與社會現況的交相對話下，尋繹一辨異又能兼攝兩端的有效論述，從而為王弼聖人有情說的探討樹立另一種可能。

Wang Bi's shengren youqingshuo (discourse on 'sainthood with affection') is a significant topic of Chinese metaphysics. Since it involves qing (affection), a core issue that Wei-Jin's intellectualists were generally aware of, discussions about it shift between "metaphysical theoretical underpinning" and "cultural intellectualism". As such, it has given rise to much controversy and room for further exploration. By examining the two approaches to Wang Bi's discourse on sainthood with affection-"emphasis on metaphysical theorizing" and "focus on intellectuals' attitude toward affection", this paper investigates their respective strengths and weaknesses. The paper will juxtapose the two approaches-one highlighting "not having" (gueiwu) and the other sticking to "having" (zhiyiou) and will consider the lines between sainthood and secularism, between affection and wisdom. It will initiate a dialogue between metaphysics and intellectual climate on one hand, and will reveal interpretive flexibility and restraint in Wang's treatment on the other hand. It is hoped that the meaning and value of Wang's discourse can be properly appreciated and evaluated. This study will bring into a dialogic cross-fertilization metaphysical and intellectual discourses, "not having" and "having", abstract thinking and concrete phenomena, theoretical origins and social situations. Overall, it aims to provide an alternative framework in which to understand Wang Bi's discourse on sainthood with affection.

魏晉時期瑯琊王氏奉佛考

Buddhist Creed of the Lanye-Wang Clan in the Weijin Period

紀志昌(Chih-Chang Chi)

123-149

中文

魏晉時期，以氏族為主體的社會發展漸臻成型，而在中國文化史上，這剛好也是佛教流行的時代。當佛教遇到中國，勢必與固有之價值傳統互相激盪，亦必影響及於社會文化之發展，如果把佛教在中土的普及與中古門第社會的成熟，放在同一階段來觀察，則其間相互作用之關係就是令人好奇的了。本文以個案研究之方式，選取當時較著名的世家大族－「瑯琊王氏」，就家族傳承的縱貫式線索，對其接受佛教的緣起、歷程、信仰型態與特質作一全面性的探討與說明。

In the Weijin period social development brought about the forming of clans. Culturally in the same period Buddhist thought gained broad following in China. The clash of Buddhist thought with traditional Chinese culture was bound to have an impact on the social fabric and the indigenous cultural values. Since dissemination of Buddhist ideas and the formation of clans happened in the same period, it is interesting to look how these two trends relate. This paper picks out the single case of the famous Lanye-Wang clan to trace in horizontal and vertical fashion the adaptation of Buddhist thought by this clan in a comprehensive fashion.